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200–15), Scott (1915, pp. 256–66), Gide and Rist (2000 [1915], pp. 266–89), Schumpeter (1994 [1954], pp. 501–10 and 809–24), Pribram (1983, pp. 209–15), Perlman and McCann (1998, pp. 409–16) and Hodgson (2001, pp. 56–64). Some proceedings from conferences in Koslowski (1995, 1997) are interesting, although the quality of the contributions varies. This last judgement also applies to Shionoya (2001). On the question whether there was actually ‘a’ German Historical School, see Pearson (1999) who gives a challenging, and insightful view.

For a recent history and analysis of the Verein für Sozialpolitik, see Hagemann (2001). Bruno Hildebrand projected a second volume about the future that, unfortunately, never appeared. , p. 23 But his project was more ambitious, as he attempted to overcome the ‘rationalistic Enlightenment’ of which Adam Smith (like Rousseau, according to Hildebrand) was a representative, restoring political economy as a historical discipline. Hildebrand not only pointed out the materialism of the Smithsche Schule, with its emphasis on the atomistic nature of human beings, but also criticised self-interest and egoism as the central features of Smith’s economic system.

In more than 450 pages on Smith, Skar˙zyn´ski attempted to prove that he was neither an original philosopher, nor the creator of political economy, but simply ‘a vain teacher and an honest man’ (Skar˙zyn´ski, 1878, p. , p. 201). , p. vii),27 was that neither the TMS nor the WN came from the mind of an original thinker. Both works were the result of external influences, that of Hume in the TMS and of Smith’s acquaintance in France with the Physiocrats, in the WN. , p. 126). He also referred, as 25 26 27 In 1898 August Oncken justly complained about the ‘low estimation of Adam Smith, particularly in Germany’ (2000 [1898], p.

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